The Brian Ritchie Collection of H.E.I.C. and British India Medals

The important group of Orders and Medals to Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wylie Norman, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., C.I.E., Bengal Infantry, Adjutant-General at the siege of Delhi, for many years Military Secretary to the Governmenet of India and a Member of the Legislative Council of India, who refused the Viceroyalty of India on the resignation of the Marquess of Lansdowne and ended his days as Governor of Chelsea Hospital

(a) The Most Honourable Order of the Bath (Military) G.C.B., Knights Grand Cross set of insignia, comprising sash badge, 18 carat gold and enamels, hallmarked London 1884, and breast star, silver, gold and enamels, with gold pin for wearing, the star with several small chips to green enamel wreath and to ‘Ich Dien’ scroll

(b) The Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George, G.C.M.G., Knights Grand Cross set of insignia, comprising a superb early sash badge, gold and enamels, circa 1840, and breast star, silver, silver-gilt, gold and enamels

(c) The Order of the Indian Empire, C.I.E., Companion’s breast badge, 1st type with INDIA on the petals, complete with gold top suspension brooch, this with some minor chips and loss to enamels, therefore very fine

(d) Coronation 1902, silver, unnamed as issued

(e) Punjab 1848-49, 2 clasps, Chilianwala, Goojerat (Lieut. H. W. Norman, 31st Bengal N.I.)

(f) Indian Mutiny 1857-59, 3 clasps, Delhi, Relief of Lucknow, Lucknow (Lt. Col. H. W. Norman, Dep. Adjt. Genl.)

(g) India General Service 1854-94, 1 clasp, North West Frontier (Lieut. H. W. Norman, Asst.-Adjt.-Genl.) the last three with contact marks, otherwise very fine or better (9) £12000-15000

This lot was sold as part of a special collection, The Brian Ritchie Collection of H.E.I.C. and British India Medals.

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Henry Wylie Norman, the son of James Norman, Calcutta merchant, and his wife Charlotte Wylie, was born in London on 2 December 1826 and was brought up chiefly by his maternal grandparents in Yorkshire and Ireland. In 1842 with only a scant education behind him he accompanied his mother to India on the Ellenborough, to join his father whom he barely knew. Norman longed to become a soldier and spent much of his time studying Hindustani and reading books on military history. His father objected to a military career on religious and other grounds, but after a ‘dreary wait of eighteen months’, Charles Mills, a Director of the H.E.I. Company who ‘had never seen Norman or his parents’ was induced by a family friend in England to nominate him for a direct appointment as a Cadet in the Bengal Infantry. ‘A bare inquiry into the nominee’s educational qualifications was satisfied by the answer that he had attended school, and if the medical examiners were a little more critical, they satisfied their consciences with the injunction, “You are thin and must fill out.” At the time Norman weighed seven and a half stone.

Promoted Lieutenant with command of the Light Company on Christmas Day 1847, Norman accompanied his regiment to Ferozepore in early 1848, but shortly after his arrival was diagnosed as suffering from smallpox he was sent up to Simla for six months to recuperate. While on sick leave he was appointed Adjutant and following the murders of Vans Agnew and Anderson at Mooltan on 20 April, he was immediately recalled to his regiment which was on stand by for an early move against the Mooltanis. But again Norman had to be patient, the authorities, besides being reluctant to engage in a hot weather campaign, decided that the 31st, having recently seen service in Afghanistan and Gwalior, should give way to a less fortunate corps. In November 1848 when the Sikhs finally rose in a national revolt, the 31st were brigaded with the 2nd Bengal Europeans and the 70th Bengal Native Infantry under Godby, in Sir Walter Gilbert’s 2nd Division, and on the 22nd as part of the rear guard of the reconnaissance in force of the banks of the Chenab, near Ramnuggur, Norman witnessed the disastrous demise of the Adjutant-General of the Army, Charles Cureton, as he rode out to check the impetuous charge of the 14th Light Dragoons under Colonel Will Havelock.

Norman and the 31st next formed part of the force under Sir Joseph Thackwell which Sir Hugh Gough, realising that a direct assault across the Chenab was impractible, sent fifty miles up river to cross by a ford and come down on the other side in order to turn the Sikh flank. Unfortunately Thackwell missed the crossing place and wasted valuable time in having to march on to Wazirabad, where John Nicholson with customary foresight had collected boats to ensure a safe crossing. Once on the right bank Thackwell pushed his troops on with all possible speed towards the Sikh army which he encountered in a strong position at Sadulapur on 14 December. But contenting himself with silencing the Sikh artillery he refused to take further action, maintaining that his troops were too tired. Norman and many officers disagreed.

The Sikhs having extricated themselves withdrew to the Jhelum and were followed up in the New Year by Gough. On the night of 12 - 13 January Gough’s 15,000-strong army was encamped at Dinghi, and although no one knew for certain that there was to be a pitched battle next day, Norman and his brother officers broke up from mess that night with a solemn toast that they might all meet again next night.

The 31st Regiment was under arms at daylight and after marching four miles the army halted for breakfast. Word was then received that the Sikhs were shifting ground but without any sign of retreating. At this a Captain in the 31st correctly predicted, “Well, boys, there will be wigs on the green today!” At 2 p.m., however, Norman and his brother officers heard that Gough wished to defer action until the following day, and were discussing the unwelcome news when Dr. McCosh, who was up a tree with a telescope, reported an immense array of red coated Sikhs advancing towards them. No sooner had he imparted this, than the Sikh guns opened fire and he was summoned from his vantage point to attend to a regimental bhisti whose leg had been torn off by a round shot. The infantry was ordered into line in front of the village of Chilianwala, with the 31st taking post as the left hand regiment of Godby’s brigade on the right of the British line.
When the advance began great difficulty was experienced in keeping formation owing to dense jungle, and at length the 31st lost touch with the other regiments of the brigade. ‘It was difficult to see what was going on’, Norman wrote, ‘but the jungle becoming less dense, we found that there were many Sikhs in our rear, and the best plan seemed to be to conform to the advance of the 29th Foot, the right regiment of the brigade [under General Mountain] on our left.’ Although he did not know it at the time, the confusion was being magnified by Brigadier Pope’s cavalry debacle on the right.

In the absence of orders from either Godby or Gilbert, the 31st were ordered by Mountain’s Brigade Major to join the sweep of the 29th Foot along the enemy’s front to the left. But before this could be executed the 29th Foot were heavily attacked and were only saved by the personal intervention of Colin Campbell at the head of various elements of his division. But it was getting late in the day, and, as the Sikhs began to drift from the field, Gough and his staff rode up to give orders for the removal of the guns and wounded, and, after dark, for Campbell’s regiments to fall back on Chilianwala where the army was asembling for the night. Norman remembered, ‘there was considerable confusion, but we rejoined our brigade, and finding no troops on our right we threw back our right wing. We had no provisions, baggage, or tents, so the men just piled arms and laid down. We lay down behind them and passed a miserable, cold hungry night, not made more pleasant by the groans of some poor wounded officers and men in doolies behind us. There was some rain, and altogether things did not look cheerful in the morning.’

Gough’s technical victory at Chilianwala in capturing forty guns and driving off the Sikhs was bought dearly at the price of 2,400 killed and wounded, and caused horror and indignation in England. Again Norman felt that the high command had failed to press home the advantage. While it was true that several regiments had suffered enormous losses, there were those like the 31st which had sustained only a handful of casualties and he believed there were some 7,000 or 8,000 men perfectly capable of following up the Sikhs next day with ‘a good assurance of success’. ‘No better authority on this point’, he afterwards wrote, ‘could be found than Major James Abbott who was then in Hazara, and in a position to receive full information. He wrote: ‘Notwithstanding all the errors marking this indecisive battle, the Sikhs were to my knowledge so beaten that they had no thought of further resistance, and if followed up next day by half our army would have been driven pell-mell into the river [Jhelum].’ From what I saw of the panic flight of a part of the Sikhs to the river during the advance and from the convictions in the minds of our men as to the certain success of an advance on the morning of January 14, I have no doubt that Major Abbott was right, and that a golden opportunity was thrown away.’

Following the fall of Mooltan in January 1849, Gough was reinforced by the besieging force and marched to meet the Sikhs at Goojerat on 21 February. In this crowning victory of the campaign, Norman’s regiment was again brigaded with the 2nd Europeans and the 70th N.I. but this time under General Penny, and it was upon this brigade that devolved the decisive move of the battle, namely the attack on the village of Kalra. At Goojerat the 31st N.I. suffered casualties of eleven killed and 132 wounded from a Sikh battery which unnerved them, but which, when at last the regiment was ordered forward, was stormed and taken. Private Waterfield (qv) of H.M’s 32nd recorded: ‘The 31st Native Infantry who began to show their tails, left an opening that the enemy might easily have charged through, so our grenadiers turned and hooted them. This seemed to shame them a little, for they immediately returned to their places, charged the enemy in front, and took possession of two of their guns.’ After witnessing the grand surrender of the Sikh army at Rawalpindi and chasing Sher Singh’s Afghan allies back into their hills, Norman went in to quarters with his regiment at Peshawar.

In December 1849, he was appointed Brigade-Major at Peshawar to Sir Colin Campbell, and the following year accompanied the Kohat Pass expedition. Having seen service against the Mohmands, and Utman Khels, he was specially mentioned in despatches on 15 April 1852. In 1853 he was again in action on the frontier this time participaing in Colonel Boileau’s expedition against the Bori Afridis.

He was next appointed Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General and Aide-de-Camp to General Sir Abraham Roberts (the father of the Field Marshal) at Peshawar, where he rapidly made a name for himself as a first-rate staff officer. In 1855, he was posted to the headquarters of the Sarhind Division at Ambala, where his first duty was to take part in manoeuvres under General Mildmay Fane, a Waterloo officer, and his ‘most energetic second in command’ Brigadier Sydney Cotton (see Lot 41). Just as he was beginning to tire of garrison life at Ambala after the excitement of the frontier he was recalled to the 31st and given command of an isolated detachment when the regiment was deployed against the primitive Santhals, who, having been taken advantage of by moneylenders and petty Government officials, rose in violent revolt slaughtering every European and native man woman and child in sight. Norman was saddened to find that one of the victims of the revolt was a planter called Renshaw, who eleven years earlier had befriended him and supplied him fresh bearers after his own had deserted him during his journey during the to join the 1st N.I.

The Santals armed with bows and arrows and battle axes posed little danger to regular troops, their safety lying in the inhospitable nature of their country and the severity of the rainy season. The campaign however gave Norman a valuable chance to study the character of the Sepoy at close quarters: ‘Except my own charming subaltern, who was soon to fall in action, I rarely saw a European and lived among my men. In this way and by constant association with my native officers I became very intimately acquainted with the character of the native soldiers, and I learned in an unmistakable way what they thought of the annexation of Oudh which took place and to which most of them belonged.’

At the end of the Santal campaign, Norman discovered that his predecessor at Peshawar preferred Ambala, and they exchanged appointments. Back on the frontier, he now found Cotton commanding the garrison and General Thomas Reed (qv) the division. However various changes at the headquarters of the Bengal Army caused by the retirement of the Adjutant-General left open the appointment of second assistant to his successor, Colonel Chester. Norman was appointed and after the 1,400-mile journey to Calcutta he met the new Commander-in-Chief, General the Hon. George Anson (qv). In September 1856 Norman left Calcutta with the headquarters staff on Anson’s prolonged tour of inspection, visiting all the stations up to Allahabad, Cawnpore, Allighur, Lucknow, and Meerut. He remained at the latter station with the Adjutant-General’s office for sometime before rejoining Anson for an inspection of the 1st and 2nd Bengal Europeans at Dagshai. Thereafter Norman accompanied Anson up to Simla.

On Sunday, 10 May 1857, the headquarters staff at Simla were stunned by the mutinous outbreak of the troops at Meerut. Next morning the widespread nature of the discontent was brought home to Norman when he saw a Persian placard nailed to a tree outside Anson’s house hinting at trouble with the 1st Light Cavalry at Mhow and the 56th N.I. at Cawnpore. On the 12th an officer arrived from Ambala, where the telegraph ended, bearing with him the famous message despatched from the Delhi signalling office on the 11th. The copy handed to Norman read:

‘We must leave the office. All the bungalows are burning down by the sepoys of Meerut. They came this morning. We are off. Don’t call to-day. Mr. C. Todd [telegraph-master] is dead, I think. He went out this morning and has not returned yet. We heard that nine Europeans are killed. Good bye.’

As all available European troops were mustered to meet the emergency, Norman left Simla with Colonel Chester for the point of concentration at Ambala, whence they proceeded to Delhi. On the 27th, however, he was obliged to convey to his wife, Selina, ‘the news of a worse enemy than the enemy’: ‘Poor General Anson was attacked with cholera yesterday, and died at 2.30 a.m. this morning. So General Barnard commands here, and General Reed [qv] becomes commander of the forces in Bengal, pro tem., ... a good many of the men have died of cholera, particularly in the 75th, and yesterday a good many of us had twinges, which brandy and laudanum removed. I had sharp pain, but by the above remedy and walking about I became all right or nearly so, in an hour; and have been able to work all along.’

On 8 June Norman was present with the Delhi Field Force at Badli-ki-Serai. He afterwards wrote: ‘I was riding with Colonel Chester as his assistant that day, and as we came riding along in the grey of the morning, he expressed his delight at the prospect of at last engaging the mutineers after all our trials and anxieties. He felt sure of success ... I had shared his tent on the march, and I shall not readily forget the example he set me when night after night we were aroused by cruel tidings of outbreaks and massacres in which we had lost dear friends, but he never quailed before the storm, always confident of success ... He was in the act of replying to a remark I had made when a cannon shot struck him and passing through his horse both sank to the ground. At that moment a cry was raised of “The enemy’s cavalry!” and I left him to tell the infantry lying down below us that it was a false alarm. When I returned he was dead.’

On death of Colonel Chester, the duties of Adjutant-General devolved on his assistant, until the arrival of Neville Chamberlain (qv) from the Punjab. However, on 14 July Chamberlain was wounded in repelling an assault by mutineers and rebels attacking the British position on the Ridge before Delhi. ‘We advanced to drive the enemy from the suburbs with 1,000 infantry and six guns’, Norman later recorded, ‘We twice cleared them out, the second time effectually, but we suffered from grape fire from the city walls. Chamberlain was severely wounded, and also Walker and Fred Roberts, who, with myself were with Chamberlain. My horse was slightly wounded. It was our twenty-first fight, and, I believe, I was the only officer of the staff engaged throughout that escaped unhurt. I was for some time under heavy fire of grape and musketry. We had sixteen officers and 177 men killed and wounded.’

In consequence of Chamberlain’s wound the Adjutant-General’s work load fell once again on Norman. Following the death of Barnard, and Reed’s succession as Commander-in-Chief, Norman summed up the situation on the Ridge in mid-July - ‘General Reed in bed and very unwell; Chamberlain in some pain and obliged to be kept quiet; our prospects at their lowest ebb.’ Reed’s illness pointed to his evacuation with the sick and wounded, and begged the question of who was to succeed him. It was correctly believed that Sir Patrick Grant had been appointed, but he was in Calcutta. Therefore Norman took it upon himself to suggest that General Gowan commanding the Lahore Division should succeed as C-in-C, and arranged for his orders to be communicated to the staff at Delhi. Norman also wrote to the commander of the Cawnpore Division, Sir Hugh Wheeler, informing him of the new arrangement and expressing the hope that he would soon arrive with help. Meanwhile, the Delhi Field Force still lacked a commander, but ‘here too Norman acted with the same courage and judgement’. He went to see Reed, who faced with exceptional circumstances decided to pass over the next two senior officers.

Norman afterwards wrote: ‘I believe it is quite clear to any one who was acquainted with the senior officers of the force, that if we were to have a reasonable hope of capturing Delhi, it would not do to let the command fall into the hands of either of the two officers next senior to General Reed. Our mission was to take Delhi, and if we did not capture Delhi within some reasonable period it would be woe not only to us, but to British rule and British existence in India. It was believed that the third senior officer might be relied upon to do all that lay in man to capture the place. Of course, General Chamberlain was, by virtue of his nomination to the temporary rank of Brigadier-General, really the next senior officer to General Reed, but I do not allude to him ... That most gallant and distinguished officer, if well, would have been hailed by all as fitting successor to the command, but he was not available. The next in seniority ... was quite unsuited to carry the siege of Delhi to a successful conclusion. Next came Brigadier Wilson of the Artillery, in whom all had found good cause to place confidence. Therefore, in submitting to General Reed proposals for the command, I felt it my duty to suggest that he should make over command to Brigadier Wilson, and confer upon him, in anticipation of the sanction of Government, the rank of Brigadier-General, which would place him over all effective officers in camp.’

The same day that Archdale Wilson took over from Reed, Norman was mortified to learn from a native messenger the fate that had befallen General Wheeler and the Cawnpore garrison - ‘Never shall I forget the solemnity with which he said the General and every European man, woman and child had been destroyed. A thrill of horror passed over me, for his bearing and tone convinced me that what he said was true’.

On 14 September, Norman entered the city with the storming columns and saw his fair share of the fighting. Near the Mori Bastion he found a European soldier and a Punjabi struggling over a purse torn from the body of a dead Sepoy. ‘I told them both to let go and give the purse to me. Each professed himself ready to obey provided the other let go; but as neither would do this before the other, I forced both to let go by beating them with all my force on the knuckles with the hilt of my sword. The purse was full of rupees, and after upbraiding these men for their disorderly conduct and telling them they deserved nothing, I said that as all the men had come voluntarily and bravely to the attack they should have the rupees; so I dealt them out one by one all round, like a pack of cards, and kept for myself the mutineer’s medal which was at the bottom of the purse, and from which I saw that the dead sepoy was Hanuman Upadhia, of the 18th Native Infantry, and that he had received the medal for service in the Punjab campaign’.

Following the capture of Delhi, Norman joined the Flying Column under Colonel Edward Greathed (see Lot 51) and was present at the actions of Bolundshuhur, Allighur, and Agra. On 21 October he was riding beside Brigadier Hope Grant (Ritchie 1-110), who had just relieved Greathed of the command of the column, when Hope Grant’s horse, a ‘trooper’, suddenly lashed out and kicked Norman on the shin bone. Though the bone was not broken, the injury was painful and Norman had to continue the journey towards Lucknow in a dooley. Wisely he insisted on having his horse at hand, a precaution which probably saved his life on 2 November when the column was suddenly attacked at Bantera. Fred Roberts for one only escaped due to good horsemanship. Four days later Norman reported to his old chief, Sir Colin Campbell, the new C-in-C, and proceeded with him as Deputy Adjutant-General to the relief of Lucknow. On the 10th near the Alum Bagh, he was leaving Sir Colin’s tent when he was jostled in the doorway by a scruffy looking native, whom he cursed in Hindustani and ordered to stand aside. ‘To his surprise the answer came back in English, “I have come out of the Residency with letters for the Commander-in-Chief”. The speaker was Thomas Kavanagh, ‘a ludicrously vain Irishman’ employed in the Chief Commissioner of Oudh’s office, who had come out with a message warning Campbell not to enter the city by the canal bridge as the first relief force had done, but to cross the canal north of the Dilkusha by the Matinière, and then advance through the palace area south of the Gumti to the Residency.

On the 16th, the army having fought its way through the outskirts of Lucknow, Norman played a prominent part in the capture of the Shah Nujeef, a strong loop-holed tomb. ‘Nearly every officer of the headquarters’ staff was wounded or had his horse shot’, he told his wife, ‘My horse was twice hit, and as he reared on receiving the second blow a bullet struck him in the side, but I managed to ride him for half an hour longer’. With his usual modesty he omitted to tell her of his part in rallying Major Barnston’s battalion of Detachments at a crucial moment. However his friends, the future Field Marshals Frederick Roberts and Evelyn Wood, both acknowledged his gallantry.

Roberts recorded, ‘The Commander-in-Chief, with Hope Grant, Mansfield and Adrian Hope, and their respective staffs, were sitting on their horses anxiously awaiting the result of the attack, when all at once it became apparent that there was a retrograde movement on the part of some men, who were emerging from the belt of jungle and hastening towards us. Norman was the first to grasp the situation. Putting his spurs to his horse, he galloped into their midst, and called on them to pull themselves together; the men rallied at once, and advanced into the cover from which they had for the moment retreated. I had many opportunities for noting Norman’s coolness and presence of mind under fire. On this particular occasion these qualities were most marked, and his action was most timely.’ Wood remembered ‘Norman rallied and sent them forward again, and then, supports coming up, the buildings east of the enclosure were seized and burnt’.

Having relieved and evacuated the Lucknow garrison and having taken part part in the battle of Cawnpore on 6 December, Norman turned his attention to the onerous task of organising the largest army of European troops ever to assemble on Indian soil. A start was also made in raising the new native army, all of which meant more work for the Sir Colin’s new Deputy Adjutant-General, who later confessed, ‘I sometimes complained that the work almost killed me’. When all was ready, operations against the 120,000 rebels occupying Lucknow commenced on 2 March. On the 11th, Norman learnt of the death of William Hodson, whom he judged ‘a leader of irregulars in our time probaly unsurpassed’, though not without ‘serious faults’. He attended his funeral in the Martinière that night: ‘It was quite dark, a lantern being held up to enable the chaplain to read the service. Sir Colin, General Mansfield, Sir E. Lugard and a few others were there. I can hardly realise his death.’

Three days later Norman was again in the thick of the fighting, this time at the Engine House. ‘I had a great deal of exposure, and was several times under musketry fire from loop-holes at twenty yards distance. Round shot fire was sharp, and more than once I had to stand a dose of grape. Explosions were frequent, and Edwin Johnson and I stood for some time on a bastion of the Imambara where a few minutes later an explosions took place which blew up several unfortunate soldiers.’ The fighting at Lucknow ended on the 21st, whence his friends Roberts, Probyn et al were scattered and he was given time to reflect on his omission on the Delhi honours that had been announced a few days earlier. ‘I am not included’, he told his wife, ‘though every A.D.C. who was a Captain is a Brevet-Major. Having been in nearly eighty actions and skirmishes, it seems odd that I cannot be rewarded, even though head of the Adjutant-General’s department in a large army and during very important operations. It will come pretty right in time, I suppose.’

Norman next served in the Rohilkhund campaign, and on 5 May was riding ahead of the main force with Harry Tombs’ horse artillery troop in the advance to Bareilly when he received his only wound. One of Tombs’ subalterns wrote, ‘He had a marvellous escape ... a round shot from the battery fired at our troop fell short, and ricochetted, striking and killing the sergeant of No. 3 gun, the centre driver of No. 4 gun, and then plunged into and killed Norman’s horse, the shot grazing Norman himself’. He subsequently took part in the cold weather campaign in Oudh, being present at the engagements of Buxar Ghat, Burgudia, Majudia and on the Raptia. He had now been mentioned in despatches and General Orders twenty-three times, and finally received official recognition from the Viceroy, albeit the mere notification of his ‘best acknowledgements’. However, further honours did follow in rapid succession.

Having returned to Simla, where he applied his mind to problem of the ‘White Mutiny’ resulting from the transfer of some 30,000 European troops from the service of the Company to the Queen without consultation or their consent, he was awarded a C.B. upon his promotion to the rank of local Lieutenant-Colonel. At the end of the year he followed his wife and family home to England where a warm reception awaited him in official circles and ‘London Society opened its arms to him’. The Queen invested him with his C.B. and an invitation ‘to dine and sleep at Windsor Castle’ followed.

On 1 October 1860 Norman was appointed Military Secretary to the Duke of Cambridge, and two months later was finally promoted from the rank of Lieutenant becoming Captain on 2 December; Brevet Major on the 3rd; and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel on the 4th. His career thereafter was gradually diverted to civil administration. In 1862 he returned to India as First Secretary to the Government in the Military Department and in this capacity had to ‘endure the criticisms and attacks of many vested interests affected by the financial stress and the reoganisation schemes of the period following the Mutiny’. Stricken with fever, he was sent home in 1865, but resumed his duties in India two years later.

In 1901 Norman was made a Governor of Chelsea Hospital and on 26 June 1902 was raised to the rank of Field Marshal. Despite failing health he sat on the South African War Commission, but the end was in sight. As he lay dying at Chelsea, Sir Thomas Barlow the senior medical officer, having done everything that science of the day permitted, sat at his bedside and asked what he regarded as the most useful service he had rendered the country during his long and varied career. “Without doubt at the siege of Delhi,” came the reply. The Field Marshal breathed his last on 26 October 1904, and was buried with full military honours at Brompton Cemetery. ‘His companion in the siege of Delhi, Sir Dighton Probyn (qv), represented the King, with numerous old friends grouped around the grave. The Legislative Assembly of Queensland adjourned on receipt of the news of his death, and everywhere, both at home, in India, and in the colonies where he had served, the public grief was fitly expressed.’

Refs: Memoirs of Field Marshal Sir Henry Wylie Norman (Lee-Warner); Dictionary of National Biography; Forty-One Years in India (Roberts).